Life is a continual struggle, a continuous struggle between us and them. Play for Today: The Factory, Harry, BBC 1981
We must observe our own laid down standards of safety. ibid.
In the end they kick you in the teeth. ibid. Tommy
A man’s not a man unless he goes out to a job every day. I mean, that’s his function, isn’t it? ibid. Harry
You went on at me about my ideals and for being over-optimistic. Well how often since then have I had to admit that you were right. But in those days I still believed that some of the ideals of my youth could be salvaged in spite of everything. Play for Today: Protest by Vaclav Havel, BBC 1981
I can’t help wondering if one has the right to escape. ibid.
How long do you think you can hold out? Play for Today: United Kingdom by Jim Allen, Dennis to Kath, BBC 1981
We’re in a fight. There’s no turning back … We’ve put the skids of the commissioner. We’ve blocked the rent increase. We’ve carried the unions with us. We’re looking for national support now. ibid. activist Peter
Let’s get rid of the myth – dishonorary enclave – the public spending is bad and the private spending is good. ibid.
The main burden will fall under the police themselves. ibid. Home Secretary to rozzers’ meeting
Those who have a duty to lead the nation – like us. ibid. Chief Constable
We the police are in control and we intend to remain in control. ibid.
We are here fighting cuts that didn’t start under a Conservative government. ibid. protest meeting
Special Patrol Group … you’ll probably see them again today. ibid. rebel rozzer to Peter
It’s all gone political. Far too political for my liking … Riot shields, helmets with bloody visors on ... ibid.
It’s about they sent someone down here to sort this port out. The Wednesday Play: The Big Flame ***** by Jim Allen, man to Mr Garfield from the ministry, BBC 1969
Any attempt to change the basic working habits of men and to introduce new ideas and new methods of production is bound to create a certain climate of fear and apprehension. Now this we can understand and sympathise with. However, what we cannot understand, and what the government cannot tolerate, is the activities of a certain group of irresponsible people who exploit the situation by fomenting strikes and discord within the industry. ibid. Garfield
The only people who didn’t see the [Devlin] Report was the dockers themselves. ibid. union rep in meeting to Garfield
The biggest exponents of restrictive practices are the employers themselves. ibid.
We’re on a mandate to come and put to you our proposals. ibid.
There’s bound to be a certain shakedown in labour. ibid. Garfield
You’ve neither given nor offered us anything. ibid. union rep to Garfield
You’re really exposed, you’re really out on a limb, and the only thing that you can cling to is your own mates, and the objective of what you’re fighting for. ibid. dockers’ commentary
The men have done everything they can to settle things peacefully: the strike is the last resort. ibid.
Well, we’ve got 10,000 lads out and their families. ibid. docker
I mean, being thrown out of the union isn’t a bad thing, is it. ibid.
I want to see the big flame, Danny. I want to see one big solid mass of us that’s point the finger at those raiders and say, You failed in your management of society, so pack your traps, think yourself lucky, and go. ibid. Jack
Either you continue with this hit and run policy or the dockers take over the ports … Let’s have a workers’ control now. ibid.
For the first time in your lives you’ve been offered a taste of true democracy. ibid. rep to collected workers
But at least let’s make the attempt. ibid.
It doesn’t need no boss. ibid. commentary
At every pit, at every factory, at every building site, at every docks, the work people involved will elect their own delegates, the best men on the job, the most responsible men. They in turn will elect delegates to the Congress or to the Parliament. The Congress for the first time in history will be composed of people directly representing the work people, in the factory, on the job, at the point of production. They’ll be subject to the right of immediate recall. They’ll have to explain every decision they make. This is the basis of taproots. ibid.
All day long convoys of troops have been arriving, and additional police reinforcements drafted in from neighbouring towns, as this takeover by 10,000 Merseyside dockers enters its second day … ibid. news
We’re here to assist the police in maintaining law and order … The reason we’re here is to see there isn’t any violence. ibid. army bloke
It’s a conspiracy, it seems obvious, between the employers and the government. ibid. union rep
Man’s never had the chance to show how good he can be. ibid. Jack
‘Don’t mourn. Organise.’ ibid. docker quotes Joe Hill
There inside the gates! The police and the army! ibid. docker
Now it’s the ringleaders we’re after. ibid. man with megaphone
Attempts to impose a rent rise for council homes in the 1970s led to a famous rebellion by left-wing councillors in Derbyshire. The issues at stake continue to resonate today, writes Jules Birch
This Saturday (tomorrow) marks the 50th anniversary of legislation that triggered one of the most famous rebellions in the history of housing – and it is a story with a contemporary twist.
1 October 1972 was the date that ‘fair’ rents were imposed on council housing by Edward Heath’s Conservative government. Under the Housing Finance Act 1972, all local authorities were forced to increase their rents by £1 a week (around 50%).
Many in England, Wales and Scotland resisted interference by central government in their right to set their own rents. However, threatened with the appointment of a housing commissioner, all but one eventually complied.
Clay Cross Urban District Council in Derbyshire refused point blank to increase rents that were the lowest in the country at around £1.65 a week.
The Labour-controlled council had a long track record of going its own way and finding loopholes in legislation it did not like. There were rebellions not just over rents, but also over free school milk and pay for council staff.
Led by Dennis Skinner, until he became the MP for nearby Bolsover, Clay Cross Council saw housing as one of its top priorities as it replaced slums that had been built by the mine owners before nationalisation with new council houses at low rents.
As one councillor put it: ‘On this council, we like to think of ourselves as basic socialists. We regard housing here as a social service, not as something the private sector can profit from.’
The council’s policy of subsidising rents from the rates had been overwhelmingly backed by the electorate in a local elections that saw all 11 Labour councillors returned against candidates from the Ratepayers’ Association.
What happened after 1 October is a complex story with lots of twists and turns. For contemporary accounts of what happened, read David Skinner and Julia Langdon’s The Story of Clay Cross or watch the ITV documentary Confrontation at Clay Cross. The Municipal Dreams blog has two good posts on the history of council housing in the town and the rent rebellion itself.
To cut that long story short, the 11 Clay Cross councillors held firm and refused to increase the rent despite legal action by the district auditor.
When a housing commissioner was eventually appointed, the council refused to co-operate, or to give them a desk, a chair or even a pencil. Tenants went on a rent strike and the commissioner left after failing to collect any of the increase.
But the 11 councillors – which included Graham and David Skinner, two of Dennis’ brothers – eventually paid a heavy price for their opposition as they were surcharged and banned from holding public office.
The story of Clay Cross Council itself came to end when it was abolished during the local government reorganisation in 1974 to become part of North East Derbyshire Council.
At a time when we almost take it for granted that central government can use the housing finance system to force councils to do whatever it wants and rents need to be set against business plans, this may seem like a distant world.
The idea of politicians sticking to their principles no matter what makes it seem even more remote and echoes the legendary defiance of Poplar councillors in the rates rebellion of the 1920s. Jules Birch article Inside Housing 1922